Bosnian Diplomacy Under Scrutiny for PR Focus and Informal Ties

Bosnia and Herzegovina's foreign policy faces significant challenges. Experts question if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, under Minister Elmedin Konaković, focuses too much on public relations (PR) rather than substantive diplomatic work. This approach might hinder the country's international standing.

At major global events, other nations hold important closed-door meetings. Bosnia's presence often seems uncoordinated, missing key opportunities. Instead, Minister Konaković's delegation frequently meets informally with non-governmental groups, media, and questionable business figures. Diplomats within Bosnia criticize this. They note that brief, polite talks are often presented on social media as official bilateral meetings. Konaković, for instance, sometimes stays only a few hours at the Munich Security Conference, then attends private events.

Relations with the Middle East are also changing. Ties with Turkey have cooled, while Minister Konaković now focuses more on the United Arab Emirates (UAE). This raises concerns because the UAE has controversial intelligence ties and uses surveillance systems that limit media freedom. Linking Bosnia's foreign policy to countries with different democratic standards could damage Sarajevo's position with Western allies.

Foreign ambassadors in Sarajevo openly criticize Konaković's immaturity and lack of diplomatic skills. An internal joke refers to him as "a bad basketball player, and an even worse foreign minister." This highlights a significant gap between Konaković's media aspirations and his actual diplomatic effectiveness.

Similar issues are observed during Washington visits. Konaković often meets informal Bosnian diaspora groups lacking real political influence. This contrasts with serious diplomacy, which relies on official channels and lobbying firms. Meetings frequently remain limited to polite talks with advisors, not key decision-makers. The UAE, for example, utilizes institutional influence, direct access to senators, and funds for think tanks in Washington. Bosnia's current approach overlooks such professional standards.

Sources suggest the ministry dedicates significant resources to social media monitoring and managing Konaković's personal image. This detracts from serious foreign policy development. The minister also displays hostility towards journalists questioning the ministry's work, undermining transparency.

Facing elections, political actors often seek informal support. Minister Konaković has reportedly increased contacts in the UAE for potential campaign funding. These channels involve Emirati business circles and controversial Bosnian diaspora groups. Edhem Fočo, former Al Jazeera Balkans director, is reportedly involved, having lost trust in Qatar due to business issues and his political support for Konaković's party (NiP). He now assists Konaković's political projects.

Domestically, concerns exist about using public companies, like BH Telecom, for ruling party political goals. Edhem Fočo and his wife, Nađa Lutkvadić-Fočo, are named as key figures. Nađa Lutkvadić-Fočo, an employee at BH Telecom, reportedly wields influence beyond her official role, even threatening the current director. Edin Smajić, a long-time Fočo associate, also works for NiP and Konaković's office. BH Telecom director Amel Kovačević and Edin Smajić are publicly linked to offshore accounts. Their coordinated actions, directed by Fočo, suggest a system using economic resources for NiP and Minister Konaković.